In her article Re-shaping the Nation, Lena Schipper-South Asia bureau chief for The Economist-Delhi makes eight major observations on India:
- India is continuing on its path to majoritarian chauvinism.
- As Western countries jostled to gain India’s support in the Russia – Ukraine War, prime minister Modi succeeded in styling himself as an essentially neutral advocate of resolving this conflict peacefully, managing to scold Putin while simultaneously resisting Western entreaties to join the anti-Russia coalition for good.
- Despite Modi’s efforts to please both Russia and Western countries, his enhanced reputation abroad will not be good news for many Indians in 2023.
- Modi’s growing clout in foreign relations will likely further reduce Western leaders’ already low inclination towards criticizing his government, thus removing one more check on his power at home.
- The space provided to Modi due to the Western countries’ reduced criticism of his domestic policies will leave him freer than before to reshape India according to the Hindu majoritarian ideology of his Bharatiya Janata Party and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh- a century-old paramilitary volunteer outfit.
- As Indian political clout increases on the global stage, so do Modi’s attempts to stifle the voices of his opponents.
- Modi’s government is likely to use central –governmental agencies to hound its critics in spurious corruption to keep them engaged in time-consuming legal battles.
- He will continue to pack India’s civil service and academic institutions with his cronies to deny space to his political opponents and minorities, particularly Muslims.
The piece appeared in the Asia section of the newspaper’s print edition of The World Ahead 2023– the annual special year-end issue from the newspaper that examines important themes, trends, and events that will shape the coming year.
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As if to perform a balancing act, the following thought insertion, in the form of a question, unbeknownst to Ms. Lena and Tom Standage- deputy editor of The Economist, and editor of its future-gazing annual, The World Ahead, appears at the bottom:
“Pakistan is reeling from multiple crises – weighed down by debt, devastated by flood, and stuck in with spiking food and energy crises. It also faces mounting political instability. What if Imran Khan, the ousted prime minister, succeeds in bringing down the government? The result could be a wholesale collapse of political and economic governance. The state could lose control over large swaths of territory. Violence and hunger would increase, destabilizing borders with India and Afghanistan.”
I will try to answer the question and the concerns raised in it. Pakistan is indeed a politically and economically unstable country. But the instability was caused due to almost forty years of brinkmanship involving politicians and civil and military bureaucrats. Imran Khan became prime minister in 2018. The present political crisis started when Imran Khan’s opposition, allegedly backed by the establishment, tried to poach some of the ruling party’s legislators to engineer a no-confidence-motion against Imran Khan’s government.
This horse-trading was a deception though. The actual blow was delivered when the small political parties in Imran Khan’s fragile coalition government were coerced to change sides and voted against his government during the no-confidence-motion. In the face of it, the sitting government was toppled constitutionally.
Contrary to what Imran Khan’s opponents say, he accuses them of bringing down his government through a foreign conspiracy and massive horse trading. This is his narrative. Unlike his predecessors, who, when shown the door, meekly left the PM House, Imran Khan has generated a robust movement aimed at delivering a counter-blow to the present government. He has based his political movement on a single demand – fresh general elections in the country. The large crowds that throng his political meetings indicate that the majority of the people believe in Imran Khan’s narrative.
If Imran Khan comes to power again, most likely the present tumult will recede, if not completely end. It will be because if the next general elections are not rigged, Imran Khan will get a majority government in which he will be able to implement his policies without hindrance. During his last administration, Pakistan’s GDP registered a 5.9 % growth rate in 2021. It would have reached 6% if his government was not toppled by the choreographed no-confidence move.
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The threat to Pakistan’s territorial integrity is also not recent
The threat dates back to 1979 when the erstwhile Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan and Pakistan became the playground in the U.S – Soviet rivalry. More than three million Afghan refugees arrived in Pakistan which changed the entire socio-economic fabric of the country. The Soviet Union unraveled in December 1991 but the U.S. involvement in the Afghan conundrum continues to date. Contrary to the fears raised in The Economist’s crystal ball, Pakistan has weathered the threats to its territorial integrity fairly well.
The threat did not increase during Imran Khan’s three and half year rule. The former Federally Administered Tribal Areas bordering Afghanistan have been integrated into Pakistan. The border is fenced and, despite occasional fireworks, the situation is, by and large, under control. As for Pakistan’s relations with India, Imran Khan, during his premiership, had offered the olive branch to India by declaring that if India moved one step forward, Pakistan will move two steps. Hopefully, the heavens will not fall if Imran Khan comes to power again. Modi reciprocated Imran Khan’s friendship offer by launching the Balakot airstrike on 26 February 2019.
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Will The Economist bother to find out why the controversial question was inserted at the end of the article written by Lena Schipper?
Saleem Akhtar Malik is a Pakistan Army veteran who writes on national and international affairs, defense, military history, and military technology. He Tweets at @saleemakhtar53. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Global Village Space.